Lies We Tell Kids - Paul Graham
This is a bit of a fine point, so I tend to use diagnosis or label interchangeably, unless it's about an individual who personally identifies himself or herself with a particular diagnosis. Yes, this essay has gotten a little long for the Internet, but exploring the complexities of language - even if it takes a few extra words - is far better than just tagging people with a judgmental and harmful label!
While psychiatric institutions have been around for centuries, it's really in the 1800's that the huge institutions began.A feminist anthropologist historian Ann Goldberg has looked into the real life stories of those who were locked up in an early big institution in the 1800's, in Germany, in her provocatively-titled book Essentially, her research seems to show we have been some of the people who have not "fit in" to a modernizing society, a society that has some major problems itself.The emergence of the medical model as psychiatry's dominant ideology has a fascinating history, such as in the 1800's in England when "mad doctor" elites jostled with one another to create the early journals, regulations, associations, licensing, government funding and large institutions.
May 2008 Adults lie constantly to kids
carried to the Convention a plan that was the exact opposite of Hamilton's. In fact, the theory he advocated at Philadelphia and in his Federalist essays was developed as a republican substitute for the New Yorker's "high toned" scheme of state. Madison was convinced that the class struggle would be ameliorated in America by establishing a limited federal government that would make functional use of the vast size of the country and the existence of the states as active political organisms. He argued in his "Notes on Confederacy," in his Convention speeches, and again in Federalist 10 that if an extended republic was set up including a multiplicity of economic, geographic, social, religious, and sectional interests, these interests, by checking each other, would prevent American society from being divided into the clashing armies of the rich and the poor. Thus, if no interstate proletariat could become organized on purely economic lines, the property of the rich would be safe even though the mass of the people held political power. Madison's solution for the class struggle was not to set up an absolute and irresponsible state to regiment society from above; he was never willing to sacrifice liberty to gain security. He wished to multiply the deposits of political power in the state itself sufficiently to break down the sole dualism of rich and poor and thus to guarantee both liberty and security. This, as he stated in Federalist 10, would provide a "republican remedy for the diseases most incident to republican government."
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