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Hicks, Ursula K. Federalism, Failure and Success: A Comparative Study. London: Macmillan, 1978.

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Today, now that the Constitution has worked successfully for 200

years, it would be easy to ignore the anti-federalist of 1787 and 1788 as an

unimportant historical force, a collection of no constructive reactionaries

and cranks.

———. A Leap in the Dark: Nationalist Conflict and Federal Reform in Belgium. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1991.

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Parliamentary federalism first originated as a conflict-regulating strategy, intended to address potential self-determination disputes, in the mid-nineteenth century, with the creation of federations in Switzerland and Canada (in 1848 and 1867), and in the re-making of the Austria and Hungary in 1867 under the dual monarchy. Since the 1970s several democratic states, including Belgium, the United Kingdom, Italy, and Spain, formally unitary or union states, have reconstructed themselves: some of their constituent nationalities or people now enjoy some territorial autonomy or self-government. Belgium is now a federation; the others are more decentralized than they were; and there are often variations (asymmetries) in the powers enjoyed by different regions. Territorial pluralism allows nationalities, big or small, some autonomy, and, in some variations, facilitates power-sharing within the central or federal government. “Territorial pluralism” has developed a significant constituency in the western academy, mainly in law schools and political science departments. Not surprisingly it is popular among political parties from minority communities.

Elazar, Daniel J. Federalism and the Way to Peace. Kingston, Ontario: Queen's University Press, 1994.

So the federalist decided not to ask the Congress or state

governments to approve the Constitution, even though they were expected to

do so.

Suberu, Rotimi T. Federalism and Ethnic Conflict in Nigeria. Washington D.C.: US Institute of Peace Press, 2001.


Lesson 1: Anti-federalist Arguments Against "A …

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Not everything that 's authors anticipated has come to pass. One of the intents of the Founders was that Congress would be populated by knowledgeable, educated, and thoughtful members-forming a sort of mirror image of the Constitutional Convention's delegates themselves. Wisdom in deliberation was the intent but such sagacity has often been absent over the ensuing centuries. When Madison wrote that the people should elect to Congress the best and wisest men-not just those of whose policies voters happened to approve-he was perhaps forgetting his own admonitions about human frailties; Madison's hope for sage Congressional discourse may have been doomed to failure by the essence of human nature and in spite of the desire and optimism he expressed during the drafting and ratification process. Even so, almost always provides concise and clear interpretation of the Founders' intentions. As the years have passed these explanations have often proved defining. Without this tutelage our federal system might have taken a much different course as it matured. Reading these essays today gives each of us an opportunity to put our comprehensions to history's test and to step back from a consideration of political goals to an appreciation of political wisdom.

United States Government and Federalism Essay

1787 Philadelphia Convention. In New York, Governor George Clinton was vehemently opposed to a "national" or centralized government and strongly preferred a continuation of the confederated, or "federal" government embodied in the Articles of Confederation. Two of the three New York delegates had been absent from the Constitutional Convention almost from its beginning (a spurious and ineffective political ploy by the anti-federalists to devalue, even belittle, the drafting effort). The third delegate, Alexander Hamilton, spent much of the summer of 1787 in New York where he felt laying the groundwork for the upcoming ratification battle more important than efforts he might expend at the convention. In fact, in Philadelphia his views of the need for an even stronger national government than what was ultimately embodied in the Constitution were not well received. As a result of the absence of their delegates to the Constitutional Convention the people of New York had become, by default, bystanders to the whole process. Yet, at the close of the convention the state's newspapers were full of zealous and barbed rhetoric espousing the views of various vested interests. As the ratification process began the battle lines were sharply drawn.
eventually transcended its role as propaganda and came to be regarded by many as a masterful analysis and interpretation of the Constitution, as well as a compelling overview of democratic representative government. Indeed, today is known as the fourth founding document along with the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution, and the first ten amendments appended to the Constitution during the inaugural Congressional session, collectively known as The Bill of Rights. However, it is also a given that neither
adequately foresaw nor honestly presented all of the arguments surrounding the proposed Constitution. That it did directly explain the fundamental tenets of a new paradigm is accepted, and therein lies most of its usefulness.
Although many participants at the time articles were written saw actual and potential flaws inherent in the construction of the new government, Alexander Hamilton reminded the populace that nothing anyone could design would be perfect-especially in the face of any overwhelming moral, economic, or other conflagration that could tear the country apart. That the Constitution might not withstand such an assault he found as no impediment to accepting what had been drafted. In Federalist Number 17 he succinctly proclaims,